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TitleThe Form of Cities: Political Economy and Urban Design
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For Jean
Pol itical Economy
and
Urban
Design

Alexander R. C be

IBlad<well
Publishing

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142 GENDER

BARKER STREET 'detail-A' ----------1 . '. . Ii

!

A BRONX PARK EAST ROAD

BARKER STREET

B FIRST FLOOR OF DETAIL-A

figure 31 Herman Jessor: workers' cooperative colony of 750 units of housing
with collective services, New York (1926): (a) site plan; (b) detail.
Source: D. Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs
for American Homes, Neighbourhoods and Cities. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
1931, p. 256.

rise in private motor vehicle ownership was also a significant contributor in two
major dimensions. First, it accelerated the complete separation of workplace
from home life, thus impacting the role of women in the domestic sphere of the
suburbs (Davis 1990), Second, ownership of only a single car led to the acute

GENDER 143

isolation of women from each other and from all forms of service. Given that
diminished densities also implied diminished public transport, mobility became
seriously problematic. Combined with inclement weather, young children and
the absence of an extended family, many women did not view garden suburbs
with the same enthusiasm as their male advocates. Whatever the configuration
of suburban space, the existential place of women remained unaltered. The
combined effect of labour-saving devices, fast food and television actually in-
creased women's labour rather than reducing the time she spent working.

Capitalism had socialized only those aspects of household work that could be
replaced by profitable commodities or services, and left the cooking, cleaning
and nurturing for the housewife ... Although the dense urban environments of
industrial capitalism ultimately gave way to an artificial privatism in the United
States, and workers' suburban habitations proved that Fourier and Olmsted, Marx
and Engels, Bellamy and Gilman had misjudged the pace at which the urban
concentration caused by industrial capitalism was hastening socialism and
women's liberation, the debates they began have not yet finished.

(Hayden 19981: 26)

Dolores Hayden had also expressed many of these ideas in two prior publi-
cations: first, Seven American Utopias (1976), which illustrates clearly the
differing aspirations of men and women with regard to housing and urban
design; and second, 'What would a non-sexist city be like?' (1980), in which
Hayden suggests that while most women are not interested in pursuing a com-
munal lifestyle, they are interested in the provision of community services that
support the household. She suggests a basic organisation called 'Homes' (Home-
maker's Organisation for a More Egalitarian Society) and proposes six basic
properties that are required if housing, housework and residential neighbour-
hoods are to be transformed (Hayden 1980: 272).

1 Involve both men and women in the unpaid labour associated with childcare
on an equal basis.

2 Involve both men and women in the paid labour force on an equal basis.
3 Eliminate residential segregation by class, race and age.
4 Eliminate all federal, state and local programmes and laws that offer implicit

or explicit reinforcement of the unpaid role of the female homemaker.
S Minimise unpaid domestic labour and wasteful energy consumption.
6 Maximise real choices for households concerning recreation and sociability.

Paradoxically, in the twenty-five years since that article was written, informa-
tional capitalism has differentially affected most of these relationships, with the
potential for many people to work wholly or partially from home via a combin-
ation of the Internet, faxes, broadband and other innovations, making access to
the family car less problematic and caring for children potentially more equit-
able. In addition, the continuing oil crisis, combined with gentrification, has
encouraged increased residential provision in central cities. Given the high cost

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144 GENDER

of such developments, in the last ten years there has also been a proliferation in
the variety and configuration of housing types, including experiments in 'co-
housing' which combine privately owned personal space with collectively owned
domestic facilities and living spaces. This idea has also been developed in
Sweden, and fifteen such projects are assembled and reviewed in Femton
Kollektivhus (fifteen collective houses) (Lundahl and Sangregorio 1992).

The public realm

Due to the erosion of the public realm by state corporatism, the cohesion of any
'public realm' has been rendered analytically indistinct (see also chapter 4).
Firstly, the concept of the public realm is by no means guaranteed, that is, it
exists to the extent that it is enshrined in law and is part of the make-up of civil
society. In many societies the public realm has no legal existence, which makes
the concept somewhat tenuOllS. So 'public space' has at least two fundamental
conditions, legal and permitted, borrowing a term from Fenster (1999). In the
private realm, urban designers also have to distinguish between private space
and privatised public space. Similarly, privatised public space also has two faces.
First, there is space that is privately owned to which the public has necessary
access in order to support personal and luxury consumption and the sale of
commodities, for example shopping centres, malls, large stores, entertainment
and sporting venues (Kay den 2000). Second, there is also space leased or other-
wise managed by the private sector on behalf of local government. I have
referred elsewhere to this as ambiguous space, since it is unclear as to what
rights individuals actually retain in space which is public but otherwise managed
by private sector interests (Cuthbert 1995b, 1997, Mitchell 1996). Public or
private, gendered space is the norm in whatever form it arises, and it is germane
that even the flcmeur of French urban life who freely wanders the city in search of
new experiences has male gender. The flaneuse is nowhere to be seen. This is
clearly due to men's domination of space and the forms of behaviour that
reinforce it. As a result, women's conception of permitted space is intimately
connected to their vulnerability and the fear that this engenders, and it is
essential that any male involved in designing urban space addresses women's
spatial psychology and deals with it accordingly. It is also telling how much of
the literature on women's relation to public space begins and ends in fear (Boys
1984, Valentine 1990, Pain 1991, Bowman 1993, Gardner 1995, Namaste
1996, Day 1997).

For example, Day (1999b) exposes in significant detail the complexities of
class and race in women's fear of public places, from white middle-class women
to poor Hispanic and black American women. Despite women's emancipation,
fear is legion, and improvements in women's status simply swap one matrix of
fear for another. Race, social class and gender interlock in complex ways to
structure fear in a multitude of differing dimensions, and at various physical
scales. She states that in the 'new segregation, women constructed race borders
round some such cities, ascribing racial identities to many of them. . .. Public

GENDER 145

spaces were selected or avoided such that most places in some cities (e~pecially
"white" cities) were seen as safe from crime, and most publIc spaces !11 other
cities (especially "Hispanic" or "Asian" cities) in Orange County were seen as
dangerous' (Day 1999b: 312). According to her research it was cities thatwere
feared, not individuals. She classifies public space into four genenc categones of
fear, embassies, neutral zones, carnivals and outposts, which she defines as
follows (Day 1999b: 316-19).

1 Embassy public spaces are those which offer white women experiences of
foreign or exotic cultures without crossing city race borders.

2 Neutral zones are public spaces that in contrast with embassies do not target
particular racial or ethnic groups. .

3 Carnival public spaces are those where middle-class women encounter raCla-
lised others, also outside perceived race borders.

4 Outpost spaces are those where white women experience racialised others by
crossing borders into outpost spaces where white people are mmontles.

While these categories are framed in terms of white women, both black and
Hispanic women have their own sense of fear based on racial discrimination,
and this too has a class dimension. While Day's research was hmited to the
American experience, there is good reason to assume that women in other
Western societies share certain generic qualities. Overall, it seems that women's
mental maps of their environment are composed of entirely different proposi-
tions to those of men, and the behaviour of men that makes these feelIngs
possible has been well documented (Ardener 1981, Mackenzie 1988, 1989,
Gardner 1995, Duncan 1996, Walker 1998). However, It IS not merely the
trilogy of race, class and gender that is significant. The actual contouring of
space itself into physically designed environments is also determmiStIC of psy-
chological content as to which spaces are perceived as 'safe', 'dangerous',
'welcoming', 'threatening', 'tranquil' or other qualities. Hence the deSIgn of all
buildings, spaces and landscaping that make up the built environment has a
massive influence on the personal security and well-being of women (Keller
1981). While much of this has been discussed in the context of Oscar Newman's
concept of defensible space (see chapter 5), the idea has yet to be extended to
cover the entire public realm, not merely that of housing typology and layout,
although this by itself is extremely important.

In 'Beyond maps and metaphors', Boys (1998) indicates how the land and
building development markets, along with their attendant regulatory, regImes,
provide an infrastructure for the public realm that assumes speCIfic deSIgn
outcomes based on a masculinist rationality. This results m what Valentme
terms the 'heterosexina ' of space as a product of congealed assumptions inherent
to public life. Import:nt also is how this 'public' life becomes privatised. Re-
inforcing this position, Day (1999a) offers an in-depth analYSIS of gendered,
privatised, public spaces such as shopping malls, festival marketplaces and
themed historical destinations in southern California. She pomts to the

Page 160

302 INDEX

streets, 221, 223
striving sentiments, 213, 216
structure/structuralism, 202-3
suburbs, 123, 138, 141-2

and urban-suburban dichotomy, 123
and women, 138-9, 141-3

surveillance, ] 03
sustainable cities, 7, 162-8

European Programme, 154,155
United Nations Programme, 154, 155

sustainable development, 7, 150-1, 153-4,
159-62,206,259,263

and The Brundtland Report, 159
critical perspectives, 160-1, 162
mainstream approach towards,

159-60
policies and initiatives on, 155

sustainable urban design, 151, 163, 168-70,
263

Sydney, 194, 195
Sydney Opera House, 147
symbolic capital, 186-92, 193, 194
symbolic representation, 6, 113,

115-21
symbolism, 104
systems, 87, 203-5

view of professional boundaries, 13, 13
Szelenyi, Ivan, 164

Tafuri, Manfredo, 49,68
Architecture and Utopia, 35, 37, 47

Tarkovsky, Andrey, 171
taxonomy, 201, 202, 205-6
Taylor, Nigel, 183
Taylorism, 217
technology, improvements in, 151
technoscape, 231
Tendenza, La, 47
Terragni, Giuseppe, 56
text, city as a, 40
theme parks, 114, 198
theming, 192, 194-200, 261
theory, urban design, 11-14
Third Reich, 92
Thompson, E.P., 107
Tilted Arc sculpture (New York), 97-8, 98
Topolobampo (Mexico), 140, 141
Touraine, Alain, 53, 54, 58, 63
tourism, 112, 113, 122, 123, 19~ 191

and authenticity, 114-15
and prostitution, 134

sex, 134
town planning, 2, 245, 246; see also urban

planning
Town Planning Institute, 206
Townscape movement, 182-3
traditional urban design

typologies derived from, 216-26
training see education
Trancik, Roger, 20

Finding Lost Space, 14
trans-species urban practice, 167,168
transnational corporations, 259
triumphal arch, 94-5, 95, 96
Troy, P., 169

The Perils of Urban Consolidation, 169
Tschumi, Bernard, 41

Architecture and Disjunction, 40, 46, 46
typologies, 7-8, 29-32, 201-34

derived from associated disciplines,
206-16

derived from traditional urban design
perspectives, 216-26

and spatial political economy, 226-34

Ujung (Bali)
water palace at, 118

United Nations, 154
Sustainable Cities Programme, 154, 155

United States, 111, 195-6, 260
universities, 241,247-9
U~iversity of New South Wales, 257

Masters of Urban Development and
Design course, 115-16

Unwin, Raymond, 141
urban consolidation, 169
urban design

and aesthetics, 171
and architecture, 2, J 3-14,20,245,248-9
and authenticity, 113-15
Castells' definition, 17-18,65
as collage, 40, 42-3, 42
and culture, 101-4
definitions, 9-11, 17, 25
ecological, 158
and education, 245-57
forty classic texts in, 12
and gender, 127-8, 139-49
and history, 25-7, 26
levels of functioning, 76-7
origins, 1-3
and philosophy, 65-78

INDEX 303

and professional legitimacy, 246-7
and space, 139-49
and spatial political economy, 15-21
sustainable, 151, 163, 168-70,263
systems view of, 13, 13
theory, 11-14
and urban planning, 13-14,248,

249,262
urban form, 14,25,221,263

aesthetics of, 173-5
developmcnt of and materialist theory, 47

urban governance, 151
urban morphology, 40, 175, 179
urban planning, 15, 75, 76, 81, 151, 170,

244, 245, 262
and architecture, 13-14, 225, 246
and Geddes, 206-8
legitimising of, 245
and materialist theory, 87
and neocorporatism, 151, 166
and politics, 86-9
privatisation of, 170
as a profession, 245-6
and regulation, 193
and the right to the city, 84
and spatial political economy, 16-17
and the state, 75, 76, 219, 244, 245
and sustainability, 166, 170
and systems theory, 87
systems view of, 13, 13
and typologies, 218-19, 220
and urban design, 13-14, 248, 249, 262

urban population, 159
urban regeneration, 169
urban social movements, 88
urban sociology, 11, 52
urban spacc, 43, 45, 221-2

in ancient Greece, 90
relationship between urban functions and

political dimension of, 227-8
typologies of, 221-3

urban theory
and ecological theory, 59-60

urban-suburban dichotomy, 123
urbanisation, 103,226-7, 243, 261
urbanism

and philosophy, 54-65
and postmodernism, 229, 230
and typologies, 226

Urry, John, 114
utopian socialism, J 40

utopias, 32-7, 232, 233

Valentine, G., 139, 145
Valentine, M., 90
Vasquez, Adolfo Sanchez, 171
vernacular, 183
Vesely, Dalibor, 72
Vidler, Anthony, 201, 216-18
Vienna, 2, 54, 55-6, 104-5, 195

Wagner's plan for, 55, 56,
184-5, 185

Vincent, A., 81
Vitfuvius, Marcus Pollio, 2, 179
Vittorio Emanuel II

monument (Rome), 146, 147
Vorschlag zur Citybeauung, 62, 62

Wagner, Otto, 2, 104, 175, 184-5
Modern Architecture, 2
plan for Vienna, 55, 56, 184-5, 185

Walby, S., 131
Ward, A., 192
Washington consensus, J 60
Watson, Peter

A Terrible Beauty, 24
Webb, Michael

The City Square, 31
Weber, Max, 58

The City, 53
Economy and Society, 2

Weltanschauung, 7, 18,217
'wilderness', 184
Williams, Raymond, 107
Wilshire, B.

Moral Collapse of the University, 248
Wirth, Lewis, 9, 58, 225

'Urbanism as a way of life', 58
Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 39, 172
Wolch, Jennifer, 65, 167
Wolfe, Tom, 232
women, 264

connectedness of nature and, 162
and domestic labour, 133, 136
economic subordination of, 133-5
and employment, 131
fear of pu blic space, 144-5
and globalisation, 134-5
and sex tourism, 134
and suburbs, 138-9,141-3
see also gender

Woodward, Ross, 104

Page 161

304

World Bank, 160
World Commission on Environment and

Development
see Brundtland Report

world fairs, 194-5
World Trade Center, 193
Worskett, R., 183

INDEX

Yiftachel, Oren, 14,218-21

zero, 175
zoning, 56, 137, 227
Zukin, Sharon, 17, 18

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